Sunday, August 26, 2012

Pliny and the Christians - Text and Bibliography

I'm currently working through the letter of Pliny to Trajan concerning the early Christians in Asia Minor.  Below is an excerpt of this letter from the Loeb edition, with a bibliography of literature that I am finding helpful in discerning the issues with using this as evidence for early Christianity, and how one should appropriately understand this text within its socio-historical context. 

If you know of any other resources that should be added to this bibliography, please leave a comment. 


Pliny, Epistles, 10.96
It is a rule, Sir, which I invariably observe, to refer myself to you in all my doubts, for who is more capable of guiding my uncertainty or informing my ignorance?

Having never been present at any of the trials of the Christians, I am unacquainted with the method and limits to be observed either in examining or punishing them, whether any difference is to be made on account of age, or no distinction allowed between the youngest and the adult; whether repentance admits to a pardon, or if a man has been once a Christian it avails him nothing to recant; whether the mere profession of Christianity, albeit without the commission of crimes, or only the charges associated therewith are punishable - on all these points I am in considerable perplexity.

In the meantime, the method I have observed towards those who have been denounced to me as Christians is this: I interrogated them whether they were in fact Christians; if they confessed it, I repeated the question twice, adding the threat of capital punishment; if they still persevered, I ordered them to be executed. For whatever the nature of their beliefs might be, I could at least feel no doubt that determined contumacy and inflexible obstinacy deserved chastisement. There were others also possessed with the same infatuation, but being citizens of Rome, I directed them to be taken to Rome for trial.

These accusations spread (as is usually the case) from the mere fact of the matter being investigated, and several forms of the mischief came to light. A placard was put up, without any signature, accusing a large number of persons by name. Those who denied they were, or had ever been, Christians, and who repeated after me an invocation to the gods, and offered formal worship with libation and frankincense, before your statue, which I had ordered to be brought into the court for that purpose, together with those of the gods, and who finally cursed Christ - none of which acts, it is said, those who are really Christians can be forced into performing - these I thought it proper to discharge. Others who were named by the anonymous informer at first confessed themselves Christians, and then denied it; true, they said, they had been of that persuasion but they had quitted it, some three years, others many years, a few as much as twenty-five years previously. They all worshipped your statue and the images of the gods, and cursed Christ.

They affirmed, however, that the whole of their guilt, or their error, was that they were in the habit of meeting on a certain fixed day before it was light, when they sang in alternate verses a hymn to Christ, as to a god, and bound themselves by a solemn oath, not to perform any wicked deed, never to commit any fraud, theft or adultery, never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should be called opon to make good; after which it was their custom to separate, then reassemble to partake of food -- but food of an ordinary and innocent kind. Even this practice they had abandoned after the publication of my edict, by which, according to your orders, I had forbidden political associations. I therefore judged it so much the more necessary to extract the truth, with the assistance of torture, from two female slaves, who were styled deaconesses: but I could discover nothing more than depraved and excessive superstition.

I therefore adjourned the proceedings, and betook myself at once to your counsel. For the matter seemed to me to be well worth referring to you -- especially concerning the numbers endangered. Persons of all ranks and ages, and of both sexes are, and will be, involved in the prosecution. For this contagious superstition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread through the villages and rural districts. It seems possible, however, to check and cure it. It is certain at least that the temples, which had been almost deserted, begin now to be frequented; and the sacred festivals, after a long intermission, are again revived; while there is a general demand for sacrificial meat, which for some time past has met with few purchasers. From hence it is easy to imagine what multitudes may be reclaimed from this error, if a door be left open to repentance.


 
Bibliography
  • Barnes, T. D. “Legislation against the Christians,” The Journal of Roman Studies Vol. 58, Parts 1 and 2 (1968), 32-50.
  • Benko, Stephen Pagan Rome and the Early Christians (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 4-14.
  • de Ste. Croix, G.E.M. Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 110-12; 124-128.
  • Downing, Gerald, “Pliny's Prosecutions of Christians: Revelation and 1 Peter,” JSNT 34 (1988), 105-23.
  • Fishwick, Duncan, “Pliny and the Christians,” American Journal of Ancient History 9 (1984) 123-130.
  • Harris, Murray. “References to Jesus in Early Classical Authors.” Gospel Perspectives: The Jesus Tradition Outside the Gospels. (Sheffield: JSOT, 1985), 343–68.
  • Knox, J. “Pliny and 1 Peter: A Note on 1 Pet. iv.14–16 and iii.15,” JBL 72 (1953), 187–89.
  • Kraemer, Jr. Casper J. “Pliny and the Early Church Service: Fresh Light from an Old Source,” Classical Philology 29.4 (Oct., 1934), 293-300.
  • Sherwin-White, A.N. The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), 691-712.
  • van Voorst, Robert E. Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 23-29.
  • Wilken, Robert L. The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 1-30.


Wednesday, August 22, 2012

Navigating Life in the Graeco-Roman World as a Christian


In one of the most helpful summaries of Christian engagement and navigation of the Graeco-Roman world, Barrett outlines the specifics of such a negotiation and how the Christians were to be loyal to Christ and yet not abstain from interactions with those outside the Christian family. 

Paul did not ask his converts to come out of the world; he did not even ask them to abstain from non-Christian dinner parties, though he was aware that these could constitute a problem. He did not expect marriages to be broken up on the ground that only one of the partners had become a Christian; Christian and non-Christian (unless the latter took the initiative) should continue to live together. A widow, remarrying, should, however, exercise a Christian choice. Paul could, in the interests of the Gospel, live like a Gentile, and it was possible for unbelievers to find their way into the Christian assembly. On the other hand, Paul warned his readers against the practice of taking part in meals in idol-shrines, and expected them to settle their own disputes without making use of non-Christian courts; and one must remember the moral break made by conversion (1 Cor. vi. 9 ff.), and the separate existence of the church as the community of God's elect (1 Cor. i. 1-9). The position was anything but simple. The Christian was in the world, but must remember that the outward shape of this world is passing away (1 Cor. vii. 29 ff.). He could not but live in the midst of unbelievers, and must live in contact with them since in this way he might hope to save them (see 1 Cor. vii. 16 for a special case); but he himself was a member of the holy people, who would judge the world (1 Cor. vi. 2 f.).[1]


[1] C.K. Barrett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians. (London: A. & C. Black, 1973), 196.

Friday, July 27, 2012

Social Reality of Early Christianity

Meeks describes the social reality of early Christianity when he writes,

Christians had no shrines, temples, cult statues or sacrifices; they staged no public festivals, musical performances or pilgrimages.  As far as we know, they set up no identifiable inscriptions.  On the other hand, initiation into their cult had social consequences that were more far-reaching than initiation into the cults of familiar gods.  It entailed incorporation into a tightly knit community, a resocialisation that demanded (and in many cases actually received) an allegiance replacing bonds of natural kinship, and a submission to one God and one Lord excluding participation in any other cult.  Moreover, this artificial family undertook to resocialise its members by a continual process of moral instruction and admonition; hardly any aspect of life was excluded from the purview of mutual concern, if we are to believe the writings of the movement’s leaders.  The church thus combined features of household, cult, club, and philosophical school, without being altogether like any of them.[1]
 


[1] Wayne Meeks, “Social and ecclesial life of the earliest Christians” in Cambridge History of Christianity eds. Margaret M. Mitchell and Francis M. Young (Cambridge, 2008), 152.

Wednesday, July 25, 2012

Hebrews 13:24 - Leadership in Early Christianity 3

13:24 Greet all your leaders and all the saints. Those from Italy send you greetings.



This final verse notes that the author greets “all” the leaders in the community. This may suggest either a geographical location in which there are many congregations or it may suggest that there are multiple leaders within the one congregation. Either way, deSilva is probably right to note that this will elevate their visibility as exemplars of faithfulness in word and deed. It is important for the congregation to be aware of who these leaders are, so that they may heed their instruction in teaching and exemplary living. This perhaps supplies the reason for their specific mention here. Generally speaking, leaders are not often addressed in the opening and closing of Scriptural letters, unless there is an issue being addressed (cf. Phil. 1:1-2; 4:2-3). For the community of God’s people to experience the benefit and blessing of these leaders, they must be identified and exhorted in the manner that has preceded this greeting.


Synthesis - Leadership in Hebrews 13 
Looking back on past leaders, the author of Hebrews encourages the congregation not to forget leaders who skilfully spoke the word of God, and faithfully lived the Christian life. Appealing to these two factors, the author encourages us to think carefully about how they lived, with a view to imitating their way of life. Addressing current leaders, the author exhorts the congregation to faithfully heed and submit to godly leadership. Following good and faithful leaders will give them an advantage, and benefit them in their current situations. There is a subtle hint at the great responsibility of leaders, and the fact that they will give an account to God, which causes them to take serious their task, and causes them to realise that they are accountable for the way they lead.

If Hebrews is written to exhort and encourage those who were tempted to either fall away, or return to Judaism, then this final chapter serves to alert leaders to their job as those who are to help others by faithful teaching and faithful living, and thus help those who are struggling.  The community is instructed to heed these leaders and take careful note of their teaching and praxis.  In this way, there will be a mutually beneficial relationship between those who lead and those who follow, and God's purposes will be served faithfully. 

Tuesday, July 24, 2012

Hebrews 13:17 - Leadership in Early Christianity

The next verse that discusses leadership in Hebrews 13 is found in verse 17. 

13:17 Heed your leaders and submit to them, for they are keeping watch over your souls and will give an account. Let them do this with joy and not with sighing—for that would be harmful to you.

We are struck with a translational problem in the opening word of this verse. The Greek word carries with it the connotation of “persuasion” and not merely “obedience”, hence our translation of “heed”. To “heed” someone is to pay careful attention to what they’re saying and doing.  Lane helpfully notes that,


The distinctive vocabulary selected by the writer is instructive. Normally in the NT the verb ὑποτασσεσθαι “to subject oneself,” to “obey,” is used to call Christians to the acknowledgement of constituted ordinances of authority (e.g., Rom 13:1-7; 1 Cor 14:33-36; Col 3:18-4:1; Eph 5:21-6:9; 1 Pet 2:13-17, 18-3:7). The writer, however, defines the obligatory conduct of his audience with the verb πείθεσθαι, “to be persuaded,” “to obey.” This verb certainly demands obedience. But the specific quality of obedience for which πείθεσθαι asks is not primarily derived from a respect for constituted structures of authority. It is rather the obedience that is won through persuasive conversation and that follows from it.
This persuasion probably comes from preaching and teaching the gospel and the Scriptures. It should also be noted that this kind of leadership is not domineering or imposing. It is within the context of faithful communication and exemplary living (13:7) in the community, that followers are exhorted to “heed” and “submit” to their leaders. Submission carries with it the idea of finding one’s appropriate place in relationship to one’s leaders. This is therefore a voluntary submitting to appropriate people who are themselves guided and constrained by the Spirit, gospel and the Scriptures. Thus Koester says,


By requesting that listeners heed and yield to their leaders (13:17a), the author assumes that leaders cannot simply impose their will, but depend upon the respect of the community.
The Christian community addressed is served by a team of leaders, not an individual, as is demonstrated from the use of the plural “your leaders.” This is significant because it provides accountability and thus safety for the community of followers, since they are to “heed” and “submit” not to a single person, but rather the team of those appointed to lead them.


The writer has already noted two important features of Christian leadership, namely that of declaring the word of God and exemplary living (13:7). Now he further elucidates their roles by noting that “they are keeping watch over your lives.” The notion of “keeping watch” often suggests a volatile, even hostile, context (Mk. 13:33; Lk. 21:36; Eph. 6:18). Since vs. 9 alerts us to “strange teachings”, the function of keeping watch over the community of disciples would include watching out for destructive or harmful teaching, ideas or practices that may infect the people of God with lies that obscure both their understanding and their praxis. This suggests that leaders should be aware of the influences and affects of the world upon the people of God, and they should respond appropriately as those who are concerned about and care for the people of God (cf. 1 Pet. 5:1-10).


These leaders are, in effect, stewards in the household of God (3:6; 10:19), who exercise authority on the basis of their responsibility before God, a responsibility discharged now in the role of servant leaders who “lose sleep” in order to exercise oversight of the community of believers. (deSilva) 
These leaders, as with all leaders, “will give an account”, which recalls earlier teachings that insinuate a context of judgement before the throne of God (see Luke 16:2; Acts 19:40). A time will come when leaders report back, not only on their own lives and teaching, but they must also account for how they guided and directed the people with whom they were entrusted.


Their diligence is spurred by their awareness of God’s judgement. They are themselves under authority, and must “given an account” of themselves to the Judge of all (12:23), who is a consuming fire (12:29). The realisation that leaders must render an account not only for their own lives but for the care they have shown for the lives of those under their authority should be a powerful check against the natural tendency toward arrogance among those placed in such positions. (Johnson)
Therefore, the writer of Hebrews exhorts the congregation to heed and submit so that this is done “with joy and not with groaning”. Hebrews notes that it was for the “joy” set before Jesus, that he endured the cross (12:2), and thus the work of leadership should be practised with joy, since it is for the well-being and benefit of the church, even though this may require effort, sacrifice and struggle. As Johnson states,


The onerous work of leadership is made joyful when carried out in an atmosphere of trust and cooperation. In contrast, when such dispositions are lacking, leaders “groan” as though under a heavy burden (Job 9:27; 23:2; Isa 19:8; Ezek 21:6; Rom 8:23; 2 Cor 5:2-4; Jas 5:9).
Uncooperative followers who cause distress and anguish for leadership cause themselves harm, and the writer of Hebrews again wants to encourage his audience because he cares for them. He does not want to see them “harmed,” a word which suggests “losing out on an advantage.” Another way to translate it would be, “of no benefit to you” (NLT) or “that would be unprofitable for you.” (NKJV). Leadership is there for the well-being and benefit of followers and if the community does not respond well to biblical leadership, then they lose a significant advantage and will miss the benefit and help of having them involved and instructing their lives.


If the leaders receive the support and cooperation of their fellow believers, however, they can serve as a first line of defence against false teachings from without as well as weakening from within. The fact that the author mentions the inexpediency of making the leaders “groan” in close proximity to their impending account to God for their charge suggests more threatening admonition: not only will the community itself benefit less in the present time if their leader’s ministry is hindered by opposition within the group, but the hearers will fare worse when the leader bear witness to the pride and disobedience of the insubordinate. (deSilva)
In this verse the author of Hebrews encourages his congregation to take serious those who are over them in the Lord. They are accountable to God, and thus the congregation should trust them and obey them as faithful ministers of the word, and as exemplars of the gospel.


Monday, July 23, 2012

Hebrews 13:7 - Leadership in Early Christianity

Hebrews 13 contains 3 verses which speak directly to the issue of leadership. These verses are particularly significant because they alert us to perspectives on leadership not usually mentioned or noticed, especially with regards to the Pauline writings. Beginning with vs. 7, the author looks back at past leaders and notes two features of their lives that are exemplary for the contemporary congregation.
 
13:7 Continually remember your leaders, those who spoke the word of God to you; contemplate the outcome of their conduct, and imitate their faithfulness.

The congregation is urged to regularly call to mind their leaders. These were people entrusted with the task of guiding and directing them in the journey of following Jesus. The word used for “leaders” is one of several used to describe Christian leaders in the church (cf. Luke 22:26; Acts 14:12; 15:22; 1 Clem. 1:3; 21:6). It is used of leadership in a variety of circumstances, including political, military and religious contexts. The exhortation to remember them suggests that they were good leaders who embodied something worth remembering and learning from.

Firstly, these leaders are described as “those who spoke the word of God to you”, since this is one of the most important functions of biblical leaders (Acts 6:2; 8:14; 13:5; Gal. 6:6; Col. 1:25, 28; 2 Thess. 2:15; 1 Tim 4:11; Tit. 2:1). This is important for several reasons. Firstly, not many people could read and Bible’s were not freely available. There was no local bookshops with devotionals and study bibles to help people grow in their faith and obedience to God. So leaders had to be relied upon to deliver the teachings of Scripture.

“Those,” again plural not singular suggesting many teachers, who instructed them are to be remembered for a) what they taught, and b) how they lived in response to what they taught. These leaders taught not only with their words but also with their lives.  Attridge suggests that,

Like the following summons to “imitate” the faith of the leaders, the call to observe them is part of common early Christian advice to follow those who follow Christ.

This is further seen in the injunction to “contemplate the outcome of their conduct.” They not only spoke the word of God, verbally guiding and instructing them via the teachings of Scripture, but also embodied and practiced God’s ways and will. They were exemplary in their conduct, and thus provided a concrete model of what the word of God looks like when performed in real life. Their teaching was thus not mere theory, but it affected the way they lived and acted as they embraced the values and vision of life in God’s kingdom under God’s reign.

This passage then assumes, though we cannot comment on the extent, that leaders are active in several contexts where their lives can be put on display for followers to observe and consider. This further implies a relationship between the leaders and followers. If it is the role of followers to consider their leaders teaching and exemplary living, this indicates a proactive element on the part of followers to carefully observe/consider their leaders actions in various contexts. It is as if followers are to “take notes” about how their leaders handle various situations, and embody the life of faithfulness to Scriptural teachings. This would then add the responsibility of leaders who are called to such a weighty and important task of moulding and shaping those seeking to follow Jesus.

This is further demonstrated in what Moffatt calls, “their consistent and heroic life,” where the congregation is called to imitate (2 Thess 3:7, 9; 3 Jn. 11) their faithfulness, not just their faith. They have lived in such a way that their lives become heroic, much like the heroes of Hebrews 11.  Lane notes that,
The accent falls specifically on the firmness of faith, which characterised the exemplary conduct of the leaders throughout their lives. The quality of their faith aligns them with the exemplars of faith under the old covenant, whose faithfulness is celebrated in 11:4-38.
This is the goal of leadership as the writer of Hebrews sees it. To faithfully attend to the word of God, leading God’s people in his will and ways, and embodying this reality so that the followers can learn in word and deed what it means to be a disciple of King Jesus. This is why these leaders should be remembered. Leaders are to be the heroes of the community, embodying Godly values, vision and service in the word of God with every facet of their lives on display for the community and the world to witness.

Tuesday, July 10, 2012

Following Jesus in the Ancient World

The situation faced by the Christians of Anatolia, modern day Turkey, would have been something like this: 

Christians in the first-century Mediterranean world would have attracted widespread but localised ill will for their failure to participate in the religious celebrations that permeated Roman culture – some in honour of the goddess of Rome herself, Roma, others in honour of the emperor and his divine attributes, and so on.  Failing to associate themselves with these religiocultural activities, Christians would have invited social ostracism and other forms of harassment.  Indeed, their behaviours would have been perceived by the general populace as antisocial, perhaps even bordering on the unlawful; failing to participate in these activities, they would have been charged with bringing on the city or town the disfavour of the gods.  Official Roman policy need not have dictated action against Christians for followers of Jesus as Lord to be subjected to mob action on account of their association with the name of Christ.[1]


[1] Achtemeier, Green, Thompson, Introducing the New Testament, 519-20.

Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Holiness

Second Temple Judaism often viewed holiness as a call to separation from secular society, because that was contaminated and unclean.  However, in the life and teachings of Jesus, we see a dramatic shift in perspective regarding holiness.  This is helpfully captured by Marcus Borg, in his brilliant book, Conflict, Holiness and Politics in the Teachings of Jesus

In the teaching of Jesus, holiness, not uncleanness, was understood to be contagious.  Holiness – the power of the holy, of the sacred – was understood as a transforming power, not as a power that needed protection through rigorous separation.  Such is implied in the metaphor of the physician in Mark 2:17 par., set in the context of table fellowship.  Physicians are not overcome by those who were ill, but rather overcome the illness.[1]
 
Borg further notes that, "The viewpoint of the Jesus movement in Palestine is clear: holiness was understood to overpower uncleanness rather than the converse."

This understanding of holiness permeates early Christianity, and has its roots in the teachings of Jesus.  As Borg further notes,
This prodigious modification of holiness in both Paul and the Palestinian church is best explicable as derivative from (and evidence for) the practice of Jesus.  He implicitly modified the understanding of holiness.  No longer was holiness understood to need protection, but as an active force which overcame uncleanness.  The people of God had no need to worry about God’s holiness being contaminated.  In any confrontation it would triumph.[2]
 
Thus, when we study holiness in early Christian writings, we should be careful about what is determinative in our understanding - be it Philo, Qumran, the Pharisees, or other writers from Second Temple Judaism - because Jesus seems to have had the greatest impact on Christian conceptions of holiness. 



[1] Marcus J. Borg, Conflict, Holiness and Politics in the Teachings of Jesus. (Harrisburg: Trinity International Press, 1998), 147.
[2] Borg, 149.

Tuesday, May 22, 2012

Letter Carriers

After reading E. Randolph Richards, Paul and First-Century Letter Writing (IVP, 2004), recommended to me by Joel Green, I have become very interested in the function and authority of Letter-Carriers, especially in the New Testament. Important to this discussion are the two essays:
  • Mitchell, Margaret M. “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions: The Example of Timothy and Titus.” JBL 111 (1992): 641-662.
  • Peter Head, “Named Letter Carries among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 31.3 (2009): 279-299
These two articles are helpfully noted by Kevin Scull here and here. Named letter carriers in the NT include, Phoebe (Rom 16:1-2); Tychicus (Col. 4:7); and Silvanus (1 Pet. 5:12). Obviously Timothy and Titus were letter-carriers, but do we have any of the letters they carried?
[[ Have I missed anyone? ]]
According to W. G. Doty, Letters in Primitive Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1973), letter carriers originally received “authority to convey the letters, to expand upon them, and to continue Paul’s work.”

Any other interesting articles on letter-carriers and their function? 

Wednesday, May 09, 2012

The First Letter of Peter by Feldmeier - REVIEW

The First Letter of Peter: A Commentary on the Greek Text – Reinhard Feldmeier
Translated from the German (2005) by Peter H. Davids. Baylor University Press, 2008


Feldmeier is well known to Petrine scholarship for his offering in Die Christen als Fremede: Die Metapher der Fremde in der antiken Welt, im Urchristentum und im ersten Pretrusbrief (Tubingen, 1992). For those without German, access to German scholarship on this epistle is now available not only through the translation of Goppelt’s commentary on 1 Peter (Eerdmans, 1993), but also in this offering. My thanks to Carey Newman for convincing me to purchase this commentary at SBL Auckland, 2008.

As a candidate seeking to further his own understanding of 1 Peter, and learning to engage with commentaries, I write from that perspective. I have no expertise in the Greco-Roman world or early Christian literature. But as one making his way through commentaries on 1 Peter written in English, my comments here may prove helpful to others, especially scholars seeking to write for my ilk.

The commentary opens with an introduction that deals with the usual suspects.
  1. “The Situation of Suffering”,
  2. “The theological interpretation of the situation”,
  3. “The arrangement of the letter”,
  4. “The crossing of the vertical and horizontal dimensions of soteriology”,
  5. “1 Peter and tradition”,
  6. “Questions of introduction”,
  7. “The influence of First Peter”.

This is then followed by a section by section, often verse by verse analysis with an original translation of the author (which is now translated into English, which makes it a double translation). Every section opens with a heading, and then a short bibliography of relevant articles or books on that specific section. There are no surprises in the structuring of the epistle, for those familiar with other commentaries on 1 Peter.


Interspersed among the comments are eleven excurses that explore further various topics within the letter.
  1. Hope
  2. The Reception and Transformation of metaphysical attributes of God in 1 Peter
  3. Temptation/peirasmo"
  4. The Soul and Salvation of the Soul in 1 Peter
  5. The Desires
  6. God as Judge
  7. Rebirth
  8. The Context of the Exhortation to Subordination
  9. Subject and Responsible Citizen
  10. “Humility”/tapeinovfrosunh
  11. Devil/Satan
Exegetical issues: Three problematic texts

1:1-2    Feldmeier concurs with other commentators that this is not specifically a social description of the audience, contra Elliott, but rather a theological description of Christian status in the present form of the world. [52-54]


3:18-22    Suggests that the “spirits” in question, are the souls of those who died in the “deluge”, that is the flood. This is seen as a decent into Hell to proclaim the victory of Christ over evil powers. Admits that any interpretation of this passage is uncertain. [203-206]


4:6    Sees this as an evangelistic invitation to those who died in the deluge, but suggests this is a one off event, probably not repeated. [215-216]

The commentary makes consistent use of background materials in early Judaism to elucidate and explain various features and ideas in 1 Peter. Reference is also consistently made to early Christian writings that show how ideas developed and expanded. This suggests that this is a very historically oriented commentary. There is no attempt to construct a theological understanding of 1 Peter in the commentary itself.


The commentary is rather unevenly spread over the various chapters. Introduction = 45pgs; Chapter 1 = 78pgs; Chapter 2 = 57pgs; Chapter 3 = 33pgs; Chapter 4 = 19pgs; Chapter 5 = 27pgs; Bibliography = 64pgs. This ends with a helpful scripture and ancient materials index, but no subject or author index.


Greek is often discussed in the body of the commentary, though never consistently, and this is not transliterated. In the footnotes, the Greek is never transliterated. The numerous Latin phrases are never translated either, while the Hebrew is only seldom transliterated or translated. Which begs the question, who is this commentary intended for? Scholars? Perhaps in it’s original German format, but that seems unlikely given the amount of attention paid to the various sections.


For example, the exegesis of 1:25 amounts to three sentences, hardly scholarly engagement, and there is no reference to the Greek text. Let me quote the entire commentary on this verse:
This “enduring” word is at the same time the word that – as the something of an afterthought explanation stresses – was proclaimed “to you” as gospel. What was said in 1:3f. about the “living hope” and the “imperishable inheritance” is also true of the “living word” and the “imperishable sperm”: It is the divine life that the elect share in through hope, through faith, and through the proclamation of the gospel. [124]

There is also little engagement with the inter-textual echo of Isa. 40:8. Compare this with Achtemeier, Michaels, Elliott, and Jobes, who offer far more detailed comment on the Greek text, inter-textuality, and the exegesis. The treatment is thus too short to be significantly helpful to those wrestling with the text.



On page 248 there is an error of note, perhaps by the editors at Baylor, where there is a comment in the margin noting that the translation is “Not clear. Please fix.”


This begs our previous question, who is this commentary written for? David Horrell suggests that the translation of this commentary will be valuable for a wider audience [Horrell, 1 Peter (T & T Clark, 2008), 29]. I’m not sure that’s true. This commentary should have been previewed by a graduate student, which would have made it more beneficial to readers. This would have afforded opportunity to offer advice on how best to translate this commentary so that it actually becomes useful for students. The long sentences, Greek, Hebrew and especially Latin needed to be transliterated, and at the very least translated in brackets. Perhaps the translator, P. H. Davids, could also have offered a brief overview of the commentary and its position on certain exegetical or historical issues.


I wouldn’t recommend this commentary to lay readers, although it is a must read for scholars and those doing serious study in this fascinating letter. We should thank Baylor and Davids for making German scholarship on 1 Peter available to a wider readership, but unfortunately a better job could have been done in the editorial phase.